by Luis Nassif (journalist)
https://jornalggn.com.br/categoria/autor/luis-nassif
Step 1 - joining the game pieces
Let us put together some of the speeches of inauguration and the declarations of the new government Jair Bolsonaro.
* His promise to extirpate socialism and Marxism in the country.
* The proposal to unify the Nation.
* The proposal of the Foreign Minister to open the structure of Itamarati to non-diplomats.
* The proposal of the Minister of Education to transform municipal schools into military schools.
* The delivery of the demarcation of the indigenous lands, the quilombolas and the forest management to the ruralists of the Ministry of Agriculture.
* The promises of radical reduction of the State and of commercial openness.
* The treatment given to the press on the day of the investiture.
* The announcement of witch-hunts in positions of trust and the naming of faithful names to the cause, as explained by Onix Lorenzoni, the sinner acquitted by Sergio Moro.
* The inclusion of military personnel in various areas of administration, including the Federal Savings Bank.
* In the possession of the Defense Minister, Bolsonaro let loose that there were articulations with General Eduardo Villas Boas, commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces, who stimulated his candidacy. That is, the Military Power and the Legal Power came together to keep Lula out of the game and to make Bolsonaro's candidacy viable.
* The declarations of Paulo Guedes on the reform of Social Security, placing as a factor of inequity the benefits for the Judiciary and for the high public administration.
Step 2 - the initial conclusions
The conclusions to be drawn:
Conclusion 1 - what is configured by the front is not the despotism, that is, the despotic government of an individual, a family or group. The power, now, is with the high military patents, which are imbued with a Salvationist mission. It's power that came to stay. Salvationism consists in killing evil at its root, interfering in all systems that allow the spread of socialism and corruption. Therefore, it is not restricted speech to Bolsonaro.
Conclusion 2 - Regarding external relations, there is clarity about the so-called national interest. Military rationality will prevent Bolsonaro's fundamentalist nonsense, like unconditional adherence to Israel and the United States.
Conclusion 3 - In relation to the internal framework, there is syntony with the thought of Bolsonaro. One piously believes in the red menace, in Marxism in schools, in the Communist beards of Itamaraty.
When one speaks of national cohesion, therefore, one does not think of conciliation around larger goals, admitting the plurality of ideas, only possible within a framework of democratic normalcy. Excludent cohesion is pursued, in which only the good men, who will unite in the fight against the perverts, will pursue.
Step 3 - the legitimation strategy
In the initial phase of the Bolsonaro administration, there are some factors of legitimacy for rationality:
1. Nowadays, the military in the government acts as a brake on the fundamentalist-religious pirations of the Bolsonaro family.
2. Act as a barrier to the business generated by the Bolsonaro funders' wing. The appointment of the military to the Ministry of Infrastructure and to the presidency of the Federal Savings Bank, for example, was viewed with relief by those who follow the lobbies games in the public area.
3. After the complete abandonment of the security area, by former ministers José Eduardo Cardoso, Alexandre de Moraes and Torquato Jardim-Roberto Jungmann, for justice, it is recognized that the restructuring of the Ministry of Justice, by Sérgio Moro, at least on paper , shows a resumption of the original concepts of the National Security Plan. The threats of political use of the Ministry and COAF remain, but do not affect Moro's support base.
4. A surprisingly citizen speech of Minister Paulo Guedes on the reform of Social Security, boldly explaining a reality, generally hidden by liberal thinking (https://goo.gl/CRUjuh): "The Social Security is a factory of inequalities. Who legislates has the biggest pensions. Those who judge have the biggest pensions. The Brazilian people, the smallest. " From words to facts, there are several mountains to climb.
The two central points of legitimization of the new militarism, therefore, are the return of growth and public safety.
Before returning to the Brazilian case, some lessons from the story.
Step 4 - The military and politics
Montesquieu, the father of legal science, the thinker who imagined the system of "checks and balances" in democracy, developed his studies from the analysis of the glory and decadence of the Roman Empire in his book "Considerations on the Causes of Roman Greatness and of its decay. "
Two factors helped in the cohesion of the nation.
The first, Roman democracy, the division of power, in which the People participated in the legislative process and the choice of Magistrates. And with the powers being scrutinized, there was more concern for the well-being of the population, with the strengthening of the concept of Nation and with the search for legitimation that strengthened internal cohesion.
The agglutinating idea was that of the infinite expansion of the Roman Empire. The achievements assured the military the ownership of land and the citizens the entrance of more wealth, with the control of new trade routes.
With the concentration of power, which begins with the Caesar era, the legitimacy of the Senate and the Judiciary falls. One enters a period of great internal security, aggravated by military violence, of which the most striking example was the centurions; and by judicial uncertainty, with judgments depending on the corruption or intimidation of judges. It is the beginning of decay.
And there, Montesquieu's maxim is proved: "Every man who has power is led to abuse him."
Step 5 - the Brazilian case
Let us transplant the old Roman order into the Brazilian case. The next phase suggests an unbalanced power system, with the military overlapping with the political and the legal.
Military logic does not include the presence of the despot - individually or in groups. The authoritarian government only legitimizes itself before the troops if there is a change of command.
Just as in the Roman case, it is a model that is only sustained by the expansion of the empire, distribution of benefits and perspective, military that are outside, at some point, be accepted at the ball.
In the Brazilian case, it does not mean the conquest of other countries, but the expansion of state control. More territories are conquered in the machine, space is opened for the placement of more companions.
It is a group logic, inexorable, that is independent of the best intentions manifested at the beginning of the process.
This dynamic will increase the military influence on the public machine.
Military logic, with its discipline and norms, is incompatible with diffuse forms of political and economic organization. In the case of politics, the fluidity and forms of articulation of democracy. In the case of the economy, self-regulation of markets. It is part of the military training to keep all factors under control.
Soon, the facts will run up against free-market discourse.
But the permanence, or not, in the power, will depend on what they deliver to the population.
Step 6 - the challenges for militarization
Take the pension reform. Paulo Guedes's speech has legitimacy, a sense of justice. But, put into practice, would mean a radical break with the patrimonial state. And part of that state is an integral part of the Bolsonaro government.
Let's repeat his statement, surprisingly: "Who legislates (politicians) have the biggest pensions. Those who judge (the Judiciary) have the biggest pensions. " And where do the military come in? According to General Hamilton Mourão, the verbal vice president, a conversation with the Supreme is necessary (to show the weight of the Judiciary in the budget), but the cost of the Armed Forces can not be seen as a privilege, but compensation for the hard life in the quartiles . But how would the retirements inherited by daughters of the military remain? And the logic of the military move to the reserve with increased pay, in the form of promotion?
It is part of who becomes power, exerts it in its fullness.
It will be difficult for Guedes to achieve his goals by making that exception for the military. It would mean disregarding essential parts of Bolsonaro's system of power, which was the main guarantor of the system - the military - with no legitimacy to address the issue.
If this delivery fails, there will always remain the timeless alibi of war. Therefore, the political exit to any impasse will be to hunt the usual suspects.
https://jornalggn.com.br/noticia/xadrez-dos-primeiros-dias-do-governo-militar-por-luis-nassif
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